tolman wrote: Jayjay4547 wrote:You express exasperation with my position but you fail to take into account the obvious point that ecologists aren’t paleoanthropologists. I’m not criticizing the scientific method or all scientists; I’m pointing to peculiarities in some particular narratives- e.g. that of Treves and Palmqvist in their reconstruction of hominin-predator interactions.
And how much influence do such people have on biology in general?
Seriously, I don't think I had facial hair before the speculative nature of anthropology was pretty clear to me, and the fact that opinions meaningfully differ at any point in time and change over time in itself points to how reliable they might be, even to someone not aware of how limited the amount of evidence is.
And personally, It makes very little difference to me what someone may think the precise order of tool use, fire use or the expansion of brains was. I'm far more interested in history from around the the point where fully-modern humans existed.
Particularly, you seem determined to misunderstand biology and biologists based significantly on a few anthropologists, who clearly are working at the speculative end of things, as they have always been.
And just as ecology is not a subset of biology,
neither is anthropology.
I thought I had seen Ratskeps use every tactic imaginable, then I find you diminishing the weight of arguments that I was criticizing.
Lets look at your notion that Treves and Palmqvist are
just a few anthropologists, who clearly are working at the speculative end of things, as they [anthroplogists?] have always been. For the record, here again is a link to their chapter in a book Primate anti-Predation Strategies
Reconstructing Hominin Insteractions with Mammalian Carivores (6.0-1;8Ma)This isn’t strictly a peer reviewed article, its authors were doubtless invited on the basis of their track record. Their reference list gives some idea of that. Here are the entries where they were first authors:
Adrian Treves”Treves, A. (1997). Vigilance and use of micro-habitat in solitary rainforest mammals. Mammalia,
61: 511–525.
Treves, A. (1999a). Has predation shaped the social systems of arboreal primates? Inter.
Jour. of Primatol., 20: 35–53.
Treves, A. (2000). Theory and method in studies of vigilance and aggregation. Animal
Behaviour, 60: 711–722.
Treves, A. (2002). Predicting predation risk for foraging, arboreal monkeys. In L. Miller
(Ed.), Eat or be eaten: Predator sensitive foraging in nonhuman primates (pp. 222–241).
Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Treves, A., and Chapman, C.A. (1996). Conspecific threat, predation avoidance and
resource defense: Implications for grouping in langurs. Behav. Ecol. and Sociobiol., 39:
43–53.
17. Hominin Interactions with Mammalian Carnivores 381
Treves, A., Drescher, A., and Ingrisano, N. (2001). Vigilance and aggregation in black
howler monkeys (Alouatta pigra). Behav. Ecol. and Sociobiol., 50: 90–95.
Treves, A., Drescher, A., and Snowdon, C.T. (2003). Maternal watchfulness in black howler
monkeys (Alouatta pigra). Ethology, 109: 135–146.
Treves, A., and Naughton-Treves, L. (1999). Risk and opportunity for humans coexisting
with large carnivores. Jour. of Human Evol., 36: 275–282.
Treves, A., and Pizzagalli, D. (2002). Vigilance and perception of social stimuli: Views
from ethology, and social neuroscience. In M. Bekoff, C. Allen, G. Burghardt (Eds.),
The cognitive animal: Empirical and theoretical perspectives on animal cognition
(pp. 463–469). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Paul Palmqvist:Palmqvist, P. (2002). On the presence of Megantereon whitei at the south Turkwel hominin
site, northern Kenya. Jour. of Paleontol., 76: 923–930.
Palmqvist, P., and Arribas, A. (2001). Taphonomic decoding of the paleobiological information
locked in a lower Pleistocene assemblage of large mammals. Paleobiology, 27:
512–530.
Palmqvist, P, Martinez-Navarro, B., and Arribas, A. (1996). Prey selection by terrestrial
carnivores in a lower Pleistocene paleocommunity. Paleobiology, 22: 514–534.
Palmqvist, P., Arribas, A., and Mart´ınez-Navarro, B. (1999). Ecomorphological study of
large canids from the lower Pleistocene of southeastern Spain. Lethaia, 32: 75–88.
Palmqvist, P., Mart´ınez-Navarro, B., Toro, I., Espigares, M.P., Ros-Montoya, S.,
Torregrosa V., and P´erez-Claros, J.A. (2005). A re-evaluation of the evidence of human
presence during Early Pleistocene times in southeastern Spain. L’Anthropologie, 109:
411–450.
Palmqvist, P., Grocke, D.R., Arribas, A., and Farina, R.A. (2003). Paleoecological reconstruction
of a lower Pleistocene large mammal community using biogeochemical (δ13C,
δ15N, δ18O, Sr: Zn) and ecomorphological approaches. Paleobiology, 29: 205–229.Of course this isn’t their full publishing record; Palmqvist has at least 90 articles published. Their chapter’s reference list has about 170 entries, so they aren’t building on their own “speculations” either, as you put it. I couldn’t easily have found a more apposite target to test my argument that atheist ideology has influenced the understanding and presentation of evolution.
In this case, I argue that their conclusion:
We propose that the adaptive solution to the higher predation pressure of the end Miocene and Pliocene was a social adaptation that preceded any elaboration of material culture…is a presentation of human evolution in terms of self-creation, where the adaptation is driven within the species. It continues the fashion started by Darwin, who told the story of human evolution foregrounding sexual selection-
this form of selection depends, not on the struggle for existence in relation to other organic beings or to external conditions, but on a struggle between the individuals of one sex, generally the males, for the possession of the other sex I need to present the case that Treves and Palmqvist’s conclusion is the opposite of the truth, that’s what ideologies do, they don’t just ‘bias’ standpoints, they turn them upside down. I’m trying to show that the small canines of Australopithecus shows that they had swopped the biting defense that primates are generally excellent at, for a defensive weapon use and the adaptive direction that imposed was towards rapid use of weapons. : So I propose that
the adaptive solution to the higher predation pressure of the end Miocene and Pliocene was a physical adaptation that preceded any elaboration of material cultureTurning to your passage:
“And personally, It makes very little difference to me what someone may think the precise order of tool use, fire use or the expansion of brains was. I'm far more interested in history from around the point where fully-modern humans existed.”, that’s also defense by attaching low weight to the issue you need to be defending, but it’s interesting in other ways as well. You don’t appreciate that if one dates weapon use before general “tool use” then it turns out that the man didn’t make the tool, the tool made the man (or, the hyena made the man etc, it’s an issue of exterior agency). Or at least, the weapon made the tennis player. And the big payoff; the weapon and the hyena made the stage for the talking primate. That’s a really interesting revisionist reading and if you are truly interested in modern man then like me, you should be very interested in why that particular obvious revisionist reading is only expressed by a creationist in a modern internet chat room.
One more thing, on where you say “
And just as ecology is not a subset of biology, neither is anthropology” that’s a bit uncertain innit? Just look at the list of journals Treves and Palmqvist have published in.