Introduction
The Second Amendment stands alone. Other nations have equivalents to the rest of the Bill of Rights, but the Second Amendment, as currently interpreted by the courts, is American exceptionalism at its starkest.
That does not, of course, make it wrong. I do not invoke the fallacy of the majority, nor do I appeal to ugly anti-Americanism. The First Amendment is also exceptional, but is widely admired, even by those who disagree with the scope of its protection.
No, if the Second Amendment is wrong, it's wrong on its merits. And I argue here that it is wrong. Not because it's a relic of the past, or because it automatically leads to a bloodbath, but because the values that underpin it are wrong. What are those values? Armed self-defense.
This is the core of my argument:-
Individual citizens should not be permitted to own and carry firearms for defensive purposes.
In arguing this, I am not arguing that armed self-defense is ineffective. As the Center for Disease Control* recently noted, studies have shown that armed resistance is the most effective way to respond to a violent criminal. Nor am I arguing that gun ownership leads, inevitably, to a high rate of homicide. While it lacks a constitutional right, the Czech Republic combines a liberal approach to ownership and carry of sidearms with few deaths.
No, this comes back to values. I do not argue that the Second Amendment should be repealed on practical grounds, but because it is wrong to give individual citizens the power of life and death over their fellow creatures. Yes, the victim's safety might be maximized, but at what cost? Put simply, why is their life worth more than their attacker's?
If a citizen is empowered to kill their attacker, the law is made arbitrary. This strikes at the heart of the rule of law, which aims to replace might makes right, the rule of the strong by their whim, with the reasoned judgment of an impartial court.
Choices
My argument rests in large part on the lack of control that we have over who we are, and what we do. Yes, we make choices, but those choices are shaped and channeled by our life experiences. Those who become violent criminals are often brutalized by abuse. It's become a cliche to say "explain, not excuse," but this cliche is dishonest when the intent is to garner sympathy for criminals.
No evasion here. My purpose is, absolutely, to excuse, in whole or in part. A violent criminal gunned down in a cloud of cordite is, so very often, a damaged creature long before the bullet drives into him and ends his existence. In making the decision that his victim's life is worth more than his, the law is denying his human worth.
This has its limits. The constitution is not a suicide pact, and neither is this principle. No functioning society can allow violent people to have the run of its resources and citizens, and sometimes, deadly force is the only way to stop the predators among us. I don't counsel perfection: I argue that, to preserve the rule of law, the circumstances in which life can be taken legally must be drawn as tightly as is possible.
The Second Amendment gives too much latitude. Below, I'll elaborate on why.
Objections
My opponent will, I have no doubt, offer up some of the following in his rebuttal. To maximize the time we have, I now anticipate and respond to some of the potential counter-arguments.
Necessity
In short, even if the violent criminal doesn't deserve to die in an arbitrary fashion, to preserve the victim's life, it's justified.
On occasion, this is true, which is why I do not argue for a ban on using deadly force in self-defense. But necessity, by its nature, must be strictly limited. Deadly force by the individual must only be permitted when it is truly the only option they have to survive. To achieve this end, it must be discouraged. Allowing the citizen to strut around strapped does not discourage justifiable homicide. Just the opposite.
Let's face the hard consequence of this position upfront. Banning armed self-defense will lead to some individuals being murdered or brutally assaulted who could, with a gun in their hand, escape that fate. This is hard, but it is not unanswerable. No position is without cost. For every victim who dies, there's a violent criminal who dies needlessly, who would, if not resisted, have taken the money and gone, without harming his victim. That criminal's death was not truly necessary.
True, we cannot know which criminal will murder or rape, and which will rob and no more. No flawed human system can aim for perfection. In order to protect the lives of some damaged people who commit criminal acts, the lives of some victims must be sacrificed. My opponent's position would sacrifice the lives of some brutalized people needlessly. Neither side has it clean.
It isn't about what's perfect, but what's preferable.
Choice?
It can be argued that, even though a damaged person's choices are curtailed, they're not eliminated, and a violent criminal has brought their death on themselves.
This fails to account for the extent of their diminished responsibility. Yes, outside the tiny number who are acquitted under the insanity defense, violent criminals have voluntary control over their actions, but they had no control over their abusive upbringing, which has stunted their empathy, and robbed them of the capacity to imagine a better tomorrow.
For them, life is Hobbesian: nasty, brutish, and short.
A civilized society should not allow people to have their existence wiped out on the basis of such a diminished choice. If a damaged person were given the help they need, many would choose differently. Idealism aims to turn the world as it is into the world as it should be. We should imagine the violent criminal as the person they could be.
Cold comfort to their victims, yes, but likewise, the abstract notion of choice is cold comfort to the robber gunned down in the dead of night. Gunned down for the money he sought to buy the drugs to desperately, desperately try to block the memory of the evil that was done to him in the past. Life is messy. People don't divide neatly into perpetrator and victim, hero and villain, good and bad. Victimhood is so very often what drives people to make victims of their own.
The cycle must be broken, not with the violence of the carry weapon, but with healing.
Arbitrariness
Will may well say, and with justification, that allowing individuals to keep and bear arms does not lead to arbitrariness. With justification because, in a strict sense, he's right. Homicide is only justified when measured by the objective test that the shooter had a reasonable belief that they were in imminent danger of death or serious injury.
Within that space, however, must inconsistency lies. What is a "reasonable belief"? Typically, courts look at whether the shooter genuinely feared for their life, and ask what a hypothetical "reasonable person" would have done in their place. In reality, this involves the judge or jurors taking an imaginative leap, and seeing the world through the shooter's eyes. The accused is given full benefit of the empathy the dead felon lacked, and frequently, they are acquitted.
Problem with this is, fear affects us all in different ways. Where one person pulls the trigger, another may merely brandish, or not even draw. A belief can be reasonable, but allow much latitude on the part of the victim.
The law can't be tightened further without removing the objective element entirely. The only way to limit the arbitrariness is to limit the victim's ability to meet out deadly force. Self-defense has to be limited to the most desperate situations, when it truly is life and death.
Some innocent victims will die as a result, yes, but allowing people to keep and bear arms allows too many damaged assailants to meet an unjustified end. They are not innocent of all crime, but are innocent of a crime that justifies their killing. They are, in that sense, innocent victims too.
One vs Many
The law is common property, and so, it could be argued, it's the right and responsibility of all citizens to aid in its enforcement. This is why we allow citizen's arrests.
Yes, but we limit the scope of individual whim as much as we can. Citizens who effect an arrest must deliver their prisoner to the police as soon as possible. Police, likewise, must deliver suspects in their custody to the courts in short order.
Ah, law enforcement. This debate is hampered by the disparity between the police and the citizen. It's argued, convincingly, that individual police officers should not enjoy protection denied to the citizen. Are they not individuals? When they draw and fire, are they not acting in self-defense, regardless of whether they're under color of law?
The answer is again hard, but should not be avoided. Police should not be routinely armed. Firearms should only be available to specialist teams, summoned when there is no other way to stop violent criminals. This removes the subjective element of an officer firing in self-defense. Deadly force is authorized by senior officers and delivered by specialists who arrive with a cool head.
Yes, this removes the potential for swift response from officers on the ground, and increases the risk, but we do that all the time. We make officers await search warrants, compel them to knock and announce when they might be met with a hail of lead. Exceptions to these rules exist, but the crucial thing is, they are exceptions, and the rule remains.
If the disparity between police and citizen is reduced, this case becomes a lot easier to make.
* * *
Will is now challenged to defend the Second Amendment and all that goes with it. He will not be asked to establish that armed self-defense is effective, or that citizens can be allowed to keep and bear arms without an appalling homicide rate. I accept both of those things.
Instead, Will is asked to make the ethical case for allowing citizens to maximize their odds of killing criminals, and for subordinating the lives of criminals to the lives of the law-abiding. He is challenged to show why criminals must be forced to pay, with their lives, for choices circumscribed by brutal upbringings and the stunted empathy that results.
Yes, many people have hard lives, and don't commit crimes. We respond to trauma in different ways. Some can rise above it on their own, or are lucky enough to meet caring people who can heal the damage at an early stage. This isn't about them, but about those who, by roll of the biological and circumstantial dice, may not be so lucky.
Sympathy for violent criminals will, obviously, be in short supply. Our instincts are powerful, our horror justified, but must try to rise above it, or what makes us better than them?
The Second Amendment is pragmatic, but that pragmatism comes at too high a price. If you will forgive the religious phrase, it poisons our soul.
Endnote:-
* Institute of Medicine, and the National Research Council, Priorities for Research to Reduce the Threat of Firearm-Related Violence, 2013, pp.15-16